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## 难道俄罗斯工人要因为俄罗斯资本家使用俄语辱骂自己，用正宗的俄罗斯牛皮鞭子抽打自己，用俄罗斯式的方式打嘴巴，而对本国的资本家更亲近吗？
—布哈林《共产主义ABC》
克里姆林宫14号楼
“对，身份证与户籍要取消民族与种族识别、全苏联各加盟国都要逮捕地方民族主义者与打击黑帮组织。还有更换核反应堆与建立核电站安全壳，列宁格勒核电站与切尔诺贝利核电站最先更换。”特雷古波娃打着哈欠，罗曼诺夫盯着桌上一堆报告跟乌克兰苏维埃第一书记谢尔比茨基交谈。“谢尔比茨基同志，这是关于乌克兰苏维埃5200万人口的命运。”
“这是我们第一次听说它，但我想它涉及到大量的人员和资金。”
“我知道内卫部队与边防军会配合的，加利西亚地区的西乌克兰民族主义者必须重点清理干净。”罗曼诺夫挠了挠头，他几天都在熬夜。“主要问题是让共和国相信新制度会更好。这将是我们最大的挑战。”
特雷古波娃走进房间说：“罗曼诺夫总书记，这是关于经济预算与发展的审计报告。”
“让我看看。”罗曼诺夫瞥了一眼报告。“有什么重要的事吗？”
“有一堆民众寄给你的举报信与来信，其中有一封萨哈罗夫教授的来信，他说你让他妻子回到莫斯科他就放弃公开指责苏联。”
“萨哈罗夫教授？”罗曼诺夫想起来他在原来的世界线不是支持美国与皮诺切特、还有全盘私有化苏联工业体系的民主斗士吗？“把那封来信扔进垃圾桶。”
“是的。”特雷古波娃翻阅了一大堆报告，突出了其中一份。“情报部已要求为窃听和窃听设备提供额外资金。我们正在提供，尽管这比去年的预算有所增加。”
“好，还有什么？”
“我们与国防部发生了一些问题。国防部要求增加新战斗机和其他战争装备的支出。我们以新的预算限制予以反击。”
“嗯，从外交部与教育部那里削减20亿卢布调给国防部，你怎么看？”罗曼诺夫回到报告上，它审计苏联去年的经济发展。
“那是一大笔钱。你认为把钱花在军事装备上还是降低农民的价格更好？”
罗曼诺夫叹了口气说：“苏联能失去农民的支持，但不能失去军队的支持。”
特雷古波娃点点头。
“好的，还有别的事吗？”
“没有。”
“很好。我们应该很快做出最终决定。”
“决定？什么样的决定？”
“这是政府各政治部门讨论的问题，我不会对它们进行评判。”
“很好。”特雷古波娃走出房间。罗曼诺夫盯着她说：“我不知道她在想什么。”
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好吧，在你之前的演讲中，你描绘了一幅工人和管理层在合作和互利基础上和平共处的画面。现在摆在我们面前的问题是：你打算如何将其付诸实践？
共产主义社会最根本的特征表现为三点。一是物质极大丰富，消费资料按需分配；二是社会关系高度和谐，人们精神境界极大提高；三是生产资料不归属于私人所有。
西方的共产主义还远远没有完全发挥作用。私有财产制度的残余仍有阻碍这些理想发展的倾向。
在社会主义道路上，所有共产主义政党怎么建设社会主义来实现共产主义社会？列宁主义认为需要在共产主义政党的领导下，因此，苏联共产党建立了一党专政与先锋队。但是，这需要面对一个问题。如果，共产党是人民的先锋队…谁来监督共产党？
列宁、斯大林与毛泽东都没有真正解决这个问题，最终，共产主义政党堕落与官僚化。先锋队式共产主义政党必然成为了全民党，政治局最终变成了官僚集团的家。
在共产主义理论中，有一种趋势，就是要使党去官僚化，但这完全没有抓住要点。如果没有某种监督和指导党的机制，它肯定会堕落。
问题是，你如何保持党的专注，并对人民负责？
世界资本主义国家继续面对一个不断扩张的共产主义威胁，它根本不追求利润，它不停把劳动力人口从农业部门泵入到更高效的工业部门增加要素提高生产力。这种时候，资本主义开始学习社会主义，它只能增加货币和福利....构造一个更好的薪酬市场与社会环境，通过福利与开放试图让无产阶级支持资本主义来对抗社会主义。因为，只有背叛阶级的个人。没有背叛个人的阶级。真正的无产者与资本家都没有祖国。
这就是为什么它自己的一个阶级是由移民和难民组成的，他们在两个社会都受到压迫。在这种情况下，民族主义作为对共产主义的一种反应而诞生。
一个人可以天生就理解必须为了自己的祖国与民族而生存与战斗，但是他不能理解为什么要为了其他国家的无产阶级战斗。这就是为什么民族主义会逐渐战胜国际共产主义。
同时，在全球面对苏联的贸易与技术封锁下苏联本身的经济必然会落后于美国。苏联在经济增长和科技研发全面落后于西方的情况下，无法给民众提供更加先进的科技产品、生活环境、言论自由与经济福利，难道要靠几本共产主义书籍来让普通民众继续认同共产主义吗？
于是，1985年苏联民众每月平均工资只有200卢布而同一年的美国民众有1000～1500美元；而苏联官僚看到美国政治家可以公开合法腐败、拥有私人飞机与多家企业经营，他们会追捧美国还是反对美国？人类会追求对个人更美好的生活环境与自我需求，所以最终苏联解体了。正如无产者没有足够的教育与良好的社会环境就会堕落为流氓无产阶级，官僚也转变了拥有巨额财产的寡头。但这还不够。如果一个社会在富人和穷人之间分裂，它就无法生存。
苏联如果要继续存在下来只有坚持计划经济与实行OGAS来解决虚报指标与物资短缺、排队问题（或者像苏联解体一样，消灭生产力来解决短缺…毁灭工业体系生产与物价上涨几千倍就没有物资短缺了！），等到里根下台就与美国缓和关系，并解除针对苏联的贸易与技术、粮食封锁才能希望引进第三次工业革命的技术进行产业革命。
历史上戈尔巴乔夫的一些措施从现实角度来看是正确的，戈尔巴乔夫与北约缓和、从阿富汗撤军是符合国家利益与现实的。（很难说，戈尔巴乔夫为什么在切尔诺贝利核电站事故发生后拒绝谢尔比茨基的撤离民众要求，反而以开除党籍处分来威胁谢尔比茨基封锁消息与举行五一节大游行）但是，他愚蠢的做出了分散权力又利用自由派与地方民族主义打击反对者与官僚；又进行市场经济改革与放弃苏联共产党的领导地位，打压与抛弃军队。本应该掌握权力的人放弃权力就会让一些不该掌握权力的疯狂野心家掌握。苏联本身的特殊性与历史问题决定它与苏联共产党、计划经济的高度一致，放弃这两者尤其是在宪法没有取消加盟国自由脱离联盟的情况下是危险与错误的。（列宁与斯大林就苏联宪法关于加盟共和国自由脱离苏维埃联盟的法令发生过争议，列宁希望建立一个各加盟共和国自主的邦联制苏联，而斯大林则希望建立一个由罗斯人为主导的联邦制苏联；列宁死后，斯大林通过建立一党专政的集权政治体制来防止出现解体问题。这种方式决定了苏联共产党分散权力与丧失领导地位时苏联有解体的风险。相反，其他社会主义国家由于是单一主体民族领导的民族国家则没有这个风险。）
总之，苏联还有很长的路要走，这是我们不应该忘记的历史教训。
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“我们现在该怎么办？”
苏联模式的问题在于，它缺乏解决冲突、保持生产和消费同步的市场机制。这一点在第一届戈尔巴乔夫政府期间消费品匮乏、黑市兴起以缓解这一问题、私有财产的出现以及随后官僚和政客的腐败中表现得最为明显。而现在，缺乏创新消费品来维持系统运行。
像现实的俄罗斯联邦一样进口消费品来缓解消费品市场需求？那将是一个致命的错误。
苏联模式是指令经济。它是集中的和自上而下的。它是一个满足整个社会需求的系统，而不是满足少数人的私欲。这是一个国家拥有生产资料而不是个人的制度。这是一种生产资料由国家政治机构控制的制度，而不是由贪婪、目光短浅的资本家控制的制度。唯一的问题是它可能被同样短视与贪婪的官僚们窃取，毕竟总有一些自大的人即使获得了足够生活的财富与地位也希望垄断财富与压迫他人。这个问题在历史上一直困扰着各个社会。
解决这个问题的办法不是生产资料的私有化。解决办法不是自由放任，由市场决定。解决办法不是自由市场的粗犷个人主义。私有财产和自由市场不是万灵药。它们也可能是巨大的社会和经济反常和痛苦的根源。必须限制与消灭官僚阶层，这很危险，但罗曼诺夫必须做到。
问题在于苏联模式已经被官僚和政客彻底政治化和腐化，很难恢复和保持其完整性。这不是一个政治问题。这是一个系统性问题。除非，进行一次大规模清洗运动推倒整个体系…而戈尔巴乔夫不太可能做到这一点。
因此，系统中存在大量的不确定性和风险，需要加以解决。
罗曼诺夫翻看了下简要的财政与经济审计报告：
苏联1985年发电量15440亿度, 人口2.7亿. 人均约5700度
苏联1985年千人均汽车保有量: 42
苏联1985年人均肉类/奶及制品/鱼消费:61公斤/323公斤/18公斤
苏联1985年户均住房面积: 约65平方米
苏联社会总产值13,825亿卢布
人均国民总收入每年2,123卢布
1985年通货膨胀率：6.3%
出生时预期寿命：69岁
苏联失业率可以忽略不计，罗曼诺夫叹了口气拿起电话打给特雷古波娃说：“是我，拿国家经济计划委员会预测美国经济的报告过来给我。”
“什么？”
“国家经济计划委员会的报告，”罗曼诺夫说，
特雷古波娃要电话。罗曼诺夫说：“现在不是时候，请挂断电话，几分钟后给我回电话。”
会议记录简洁、中肯、要点：
美国经济正在快速增长，但这种增长是不稳定的。这种情况可能在未来几年发生变化。
美国1985年发电量24700亿度. 人口2.4亿. 人均约10000度.
美国1985年千人均汽车保有量: 约700
美国1985年人均肉类/奶及制品/鱼消费:134公斤/269公斤/15公斤
美国1985年户均住房面积: 约160平方米
“该死的，美国经济高速增长。”罗曼诺夫盯着报告挠了挠头，他拿着笔把报告上的汽车与住房面积圈了起来。
他草草记下了一些笔记。
“这份报告对增长率非常乐观，并基于一些非常可疑的假设。这让我对他们的预测信心不足。”罗曼诺夫说：“苏联不能犯同样的错误。我们必须建设社会主义经济，而不是有社会主义倾向的混合经济。”
“那么，计划是什么？”特雷古波娃问道。
“取消在房屋方面的超额房租惩罚与给民众提供换房申请，但必须坚持不会允许房屋买卖。汽车方面，我还没想好。你有办法解决汽车质量与产量问题吗？”
“问题是我们没有必要的原材料来满足市场的需求。如果我们生产一半的汽车，我们仍然会短缺。我们需要更多的进口。”特雷古波娃说。
“不，我们不会。我们不能。整个计划的前提是苏联能够出口多于进口。如果我们不改变制度，恐怕我们就无法维持目前的生活水平。我们必须减少劳动量，增加机器的产量。”罗曼诺夫说。
“但是——但是——”特雷古波娃开始说话，但罗曼诺夫打断了她的话。
“不，但是。这不是关于现在对国家有什么好处，而是关于长期对国家有什么好处。你只需要服从我的命令与提供建议？”
“嗯……好吧，”特雷古波娃说。
“很好，”罗曼诺夫看着手表说。“我待会儿再跟你谈。”
“你不应该和政治局讨论这个问题吗？”
“我会的，但我也是总书记与最高领导者。过来，让我看看你摘了牙套的牙齿整齐划一吗？”罗曼诺夫拍了拍自己的大腿。
“哈哈。”
“你做完了吗？”特雷古波娃问。
“差不多。”罗曼诺夫说。“你没有在这里装窃听装置吧？我的情报小女孩。”
“不，为什么我们需要一个？”特雷古波娃说。
“我不知道。这只是我的一种感觉。在过去的六个月里你做过体检吗？”
“是的，我一直感觉很好。为什么？”
“只是检查一下，”罗曼诺夫说。“你是我的阿芙乐尔号，我担心你的肚子怀上孩子。”
“你……”特雷古波娃开始问，但停了下来。“嗯，是的，我也很担心。我想我们已经有一两个月没有体检了。”
“你最好有空去检查一下，我还想在床上像皮诺切特蹂躏智利一样蹂躏你。如果你怀上我的孩子，这会让我很困扰。”
“你真恶心，”特雷古波娃翻着白眼说。
“这很值得，”罗曼诺夫笑着说。“你是我的，等到必要的时候我会让你成为我的妻子。不吻我的手吗？”
特雷古波娃什么也没说，但她弯下身来，把嘴唇贴在罗曼诺夫的手上，罗曼诺夫抓住他的手，一动不动。
“很好，”罗曼诺夫说。“向我跪下来吻我的鞋子，喊我父亲。”
“不，”特雷古波娃说。
“跪下，”罗曼诺夫说，抓住她的手臂。
特雷古波娃站在椅子上，目不转睛地看着罗曼诺夫。
“这只是一个测试，我希望你能这样做表达出你对我的爱与服从。向我跪下来吻我的鞋子，喊我父亲。”
“我也不会这么做，”特雷古波娃说。“我爱你，但我不会崇拜你。”
“你让这件事变得非常困难，”罗曼诺夫说，他的耐心越来越弱。“但我明白了，那么不要聊这个了。”
“你不可能强迫我做违背我意愿的事，”特雷古波娃低头看着罗曼诺夫说。“你只是…你只是离开这里，别管我。”
“我之后会的，我需要认真思考我们的关系。”罗曼诺夫拿起笔与审计报告问：“现在，不介意帮我分析一下经济预算？我不希望自己一个人思考。”
“很好，”特雷古波娃说。“我不敢相信你这么固执。”
“我知道，”罗曼诺夫笑着说。“现在，请帮助我分析今年的经济预算。”
“很好，”特雷古波娃说。“今年的GNP增长率是多少？”
“美国预测我们经济增长率是1%，统计委员会公布的是4%…你猜猜到底是多少？”罗曼诺夫笑着问道。
“这是2.2%，我的案子到此为止，”特雷古波娃笑着说。
他们两人一起工作直到天黑，终于完成了报告。罗曼诺夫签了名，并把它交给了他的助手。
“我能复印一份吗？”她问。
“当然，”罗曼诺夫说，但又补充道，“如果你再见到我，那就是。”
“当然，”特雷古波娃说。
“现在就这些，亲爱的。”罗曼诺夫摆摆手说：“之后你可以回家了，我还要处理其他事情。”
“好吧，”特雷古波娃说。
特雷古波娃离开了，走出了房间。然而，罗曼诺夫留下来清洗眼镜。他深吸了一口气，说：“这是一场考验。一场重大考验。我有一种感觉，在未来的岁月里，奥尔加和我将经受多次考验。做好一切准备。”
“这是合乎逻辑的。我们必须看看我们之间的反应，世界对我们的反应，以及我们能拥有什么样的生活。”
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放下印有苏联国徽图案的一号电话系统名册，罗曼诺夫擦了擦手。经过几十年的发展，苏联内部早已形成自我运行的官僚系统，而一号电话系统名册这本外表由红色硬书皮包裹的电话本就是其中一个产物，它记录了600多名苏联中央与地方行政机关领导者、部委领导干部、重要的媒体人士与报刊总编、苏联科学院主席团与高级将领们。当然，这些人也有自己的长途自动电话用户名册。只是，人数更多到3000人左右…地位与影响力也低一级。
这些一级又一级的官僚体制维护着苏联的运行，同样对应的一级又级的行政区划层级构成了苏联一整套冗杂又低效的联邦制行政结构。
第一级行政区划（加盟共和国）-第二级行政区划（自治共和国/州/边疆区）-第三级行政区划（自治州/自治区）-下层行政区（地区/共和国/边疆区/州辖市）-基层行政区(地辖市/市辖区/村/镇)
如果算上苏联部长会议那群分成全联盟部门与各加盟共和国都拥有的联盟—共和国部门的话，行政部门真是太冗杂了。
部长会议的一个部门，即情报部，正在调查减少冗余官僚机构数量的可能性，提议将几个部委合并为八个超级高效的机构。
“苏维埃联盟现在的行政机构冗余了，应该合并与撤除冗余部委。同志们有什么意见？”罗曼诺夫边说边写下批注，克里姆林宫14号楼会议室最高苏维埃主席团主席格里申、部长会议主席吉洪诺夫、苏共中央委员会意识形态书记（第二书记）科索拉波夫、外交部长特罗扬诺夫斯基、国家安全委员会第一主席博布科夫、苏联内务部部长费多尔丘克几个人参加了会议。
“苏联应该致力于提高效率。”格里辛说：“我们需要精简整个政府框架。”
“是的，”吉洪诺夫同意。
“那么，之后在政治局会议讨论接下来四年时间开始合并与精简部门机构的任务。”罗曼诺夫写完批注又说：“接下来是部门任命，财政部部长由谁担任？维克多·弗拉基米罗维奇·德门佐夫同志已经代理好几年了。”
“德门佐夫是一个能干的人。”外交部长特罗扬诺夫斯基说：“他有很多经验。”
“我同意，”罗曼诺夫说。“但他年龄太大了，我们不怀疑他的信仰与能力，但他应该陪伴他的家人了。我们需要一个年轻人，但年轻人的能力与对共产主义的信仰是值得怀疑的。”
他环顾四周问道：“还有其他建议吗？”
没有人说话，所以他继续说：“换句话说，我们最好的办法是任命一支有能力的年轻人团队并对他们进行培训，但对他们的控制非常宽松。我们必须相信他们的能力是足够的，但如果不行，我们可以随时替换他们。同志们，你们怎么看？任何人
特罗扬诺夫斯基再次环顾四周说：“我认为我们应该相信德门佐夫和他的团队。他们知道如何管理经济。”
“这是一个很好的观点。”
“当然，”罗曼诺夫说。“请注意，这是一项非常危险的工作，不仅仅是为了外交部的声誉。整个苏联都依赖于健康的金融体系。”
“我知道，”特罗扬诺夫斯基说。
“因此，我们在进行调查时需要格外小心。”罗曼诺夫说：“这不仅关系到财政部的声誉，而且关系到整个苏联的金融稳定。”
“在没有合适的人选，先继续让德门佐夫同志代理财政部长怎么样？”格里辛建议。
“是的，你是对的，”罗曼诺夫说。“但年龄太大了，在第二十八次苏联代表大会时将领导干部退休年龄定为70岁以上并保留待遇。”
特罗扬诺夫斯基问道：“因此，如果我们不罢免他，他将在未来4至5年内继续掌管财政部。”。
“是的，很有可能。”
特罗扬诺夫斯基说：“我想这可能会被认为是他被任命的一个优点。”
“德门佐夫同志？”罗曼诺夫点点头又说：“接下来是住房问题与教育，我们应该取消在房屋方面超额面积的多倍房租惩罚与给民众提供换房申请，同时允许修建以别墅或者两居室为主要建筑、缩短建筑距离的集中住宅区。面积应该在100～120平方米，继续由国家免费分配。”
“我对此有所保留。”特罗扬诺夫斯基说：“虽然我同意这是一个落后的制度，但居住处罚对人们扩大住房是一个巨大的抑制因素。”
“但平均主义不是社会主义，明斯克党委书记与他的儿子一家、女儿一家住在同一栋别墅，这并不合理。我们应该限制一个家庭拥有一套住房，而不是限制住房面积。”
“也许我们还可以对建筑中的空间过大引入非住宅处罚。”特罗扬诺夫斯基建议：“建筑面积越大，每年的业主税就越高。”
“是的，但我们正在失去效率，这对租户不公平。”
“我理解你的担忧，”特罗扬诺夫斯基说。“我只是不认为这是一条路。”
“你可能是对的，”罗曼诺夫说。“但让民众住上满意与宽阔的国家免费房屋更重要。”
格里申问：“但是建筑距离缩小，就违反了我们最初的目的。建筑距离之间没有平坦宽阔的空地在核战争时候会阻碍军事部队与紧急救援部队。”
“我们是一个城市国家，”罗曼诺夫说，“不是一个需要在农村储存大量粮食和必需品的农业国家。”
特罗扬诺夫斯基建议：“也许我们可以在某些地区将建筑距离缩短50%。”
“是的，这将解决我们一半的问题，”罗曼诺夫说。“接下来是教育改革，我们应该停止给学生减少作业负担而是增加作业。他们应该专注于学习，而不是摇滚乐队与政治之类的。还有降低教育支出384亿卢布到200亿卢布。”
苏联幼儿、小、中、大学生均享受免费医疗保健服务；普通中小学的学生除去需自费购买文具外，不需再交其他费用、大学生学费全免，教科书免费使用；所有五年级以下的学生免费供应早餐和午餐；参加有专职老师指导的各种课外兴趣小组活动、在星期六举办的课外提高特长活动（其中不乏钢琴、小提琴、声乐、舞蹈等项目），学生均不需交费。二十世纪八十年代中期，苏联高等学校891所，学生528万人，教师51.5万人。
科索拉波夫想了想问：“那么，空余的184亿卢布预算调配到经济部门与科学院？”
“是的，”罗曼诺夫说。“据我所知，科学和研究界需要大量资金注入。”
他补充说：“我想你作为一个团队的工作就是优先考虑并推荐这些资金的使用。那么，我们应该给物理界额外的184亿吗？”
“这将是一个良好的开端。”
“那么数学和计算机科学界呢？还是医学界呢？”
“我相信科学界是一个非常重要的群体，”罗曼诺夫说。“我们需要进一步增加这些科学部门的预算以加速科技发展。”
“一个对科学友好的政府对苏联的未来非常重要。”
“你说得对，”罗曼诺夫说。“如果没有问题的话，我们应该讨论国际局势与对外援助。”
“我们还打算借钱给它们吗？”
“它们是援助的净受援国。我们应该增加对净捐助国的贷款。”
“比如说？”
“我们不能继续无偿援助没有价值与经济的不发达国家，除了利比亚、叙利亚、伊拉克、朝鲜、越南、古巴、安哥拉、埃塞俄比亚之外的净受援国应该减少有偿援助，并且要求这些国家用硬通货与矿产资源、企业来偿还贷款。”
科索拉波夫建议：“或者这些国家应该为我们的贷款支付一些利息。”
“不，那将违反国际金融体系的原则。”罗曼诺夫想到2008年金融危机又说：“那些具有无法偿还风险的次级贷款能不能通过对外贸易部与列宁格勒合资银行把那些次级贷款出售给美国的资本财团？”
“这是个好主意，”特罗扬诺夫斯基说。
“我们还可以在私营部门寻找贸易伙伴，将贷款出售给他们，并获得利润。”
“有趣。”
“这也有助于我们实现经济多元化，减少我们动荡的金融部门的风险敞口。”
“这是真的，”特罗扬诺夫斯基说。
格里申询问说：“我想知道美国资本财团真的会收购我们在不发达国家的这些次级贷款吗？”
“会的，资本家没有祖国。他们为了利润会把这些次级贷款出售给美国普通民众来转嫁债务风险，最终破产的人绝对不会是华尔街那些人。最好美国像艾茵·兰德与密尔顿·弗里德曼一样的人越多越好，美国金融经济越发达与实体经济越衰落就对我们越有利。”格里戈里·罗曼诺夫解释说。
“当然，现在的帝国主义国家人民的经济自由越多，对每个人都越好。”
“这是一个很好的看待它的方式，是的，”特罗扬诺夫斯基说。
“那就这样吧，还有新成立负责国际革命的国际关系部部长职位空缺，应该由谁担任？”
科索拉波夫举手说：“我有一个毫无疑问可以信任的人选，只是他的政治立场比我们更激进。”
“说吧。”
“我的候选人是亚历山大·塔拉索夫。”
“哦？”罗曼诺夫问道。“为什么是他？”
“他是托洛茨基主义者，在精神病院里关押了很久才根据格里戈里总书记你去年的指示放出来。”
“是的，我记得。继续。”
“亚历山大多年来一直参与反法西斯和反种族主义活动。他精通反法西斯和种族平等的哲学。”
“很好。我支持你。还有其他人有候选人吗？”
房间里一片寂静，因为他们都在等他抽完烟。
“如果没有就之后考察塔拉索夫同志担任国际关系部部长。现在我们面临一项任务。我们需要讨论全球形势和我们金融体系的状况。”罗曼诺夫说：“关于之前已经提出的提议，集体农庄应该逐步在之后四年内转变为国营农场。”
“嗯，应该发展小规模工业，”科索拉波夫说。“应该全面扩大农业。私营部门已经显示出它不愿意正确地发挥其作用。”
“我建议我们加倍投入我们正在规划和实施这场农业革命，其方式不仅仅是提高作物产量。”特罗扬诺夫斯基说。“我们需要以可持续的方式增加粮食产量，而不是依靠牺牲自然资源。”
“这是一个雄心勃勃的计划，”罗曼诺夫说。“我建议我们成立一个新的研究团队，以解决我们在农业领域面临的问题。我将亲自资助这项工作。”
特罗扬诺夫斯基说：“我支持这项建议。”
“如果没有问题的话，之后由各部委讨论。现在，博布科夫同志与费多尔丘克同志留下。其他同志可以离开了。”
那两个人站了起来。
科索拉波夫说：“如果可以的话，我愿意留下来帮忙。”
“当然可以。”
会议接着讨论了其他事项。
国家安全委员会第一主席博布科夫汇报说：“目前，海地已经由解放神学的主教控制并向我们寻求援助。”苏联内务部部长费多尔丘克询问说：“我们应该援助海地吗？”
“不，海地没有价值。它只是消耗美国精力的筹码，我们不能投入过多的资金援助而是重点有偿低价援助军火。”
“另一方面，在一个陷入无政府状态的国家里，某种干预是必要的，以维持国内秩序。”博布科夫说：“我们至少需要稳定局势。”
费多尔丘克回答说：“不，美国做得很好。我们可以介入，制造更大的问题。”
“我同意费多尔丘克同志的看法，让我们援助一些淘汰的过时军火给海地社会主义政府，资金援助只给予一千万美元。”
“一个明智的决定，”博布科夫宣称。“我建议我们用一些过时的武器来帮助海地政府。同意吗？”
各方都同意。
“现在，我们需要弄清楚如何将这些武器运到海地。”博布科夫说：“我们有办法做到这一点吗？”
“我们可以通过古巴与拉丁美洲的毒枭来做到，只是如果我们援助力量不够的话，是不足以让亲近我们的政府存活更久一点。”
“没错，但这是一个很好的起点。我们可以与他们建立关系。一旦我们控制了一个港口，我们就可以扩大我们的权力。我们还可以威胁摧毁他们的毒品交易，这将严重影响美国政府的利润。”
“是的，的确如此。尽管如此，我还是建议我们向海地政府提供这些武器，只要我们不与美国进行直接军事接触。我们将在那里制造足够多的政治不稳定，严重威胁美国政府在该地区的生存。一旦我们表现出强硬的手段，我们也将能够与海地政府更成功地进行谈判。毕竟，我们谈论的是一个完全依赖外国援助和武力威胁的政府。”
“我同意，”费多尔丘克说：“我建议我们向海地政府提供两架米格-29、一打M-16、500个榴弹发射器、200件反坦克武器和200件萨姆地对空导弹。”
“武器的数量不足以产生影响。”博布科夫说：“我建议我们提供五十个萨姆地对空导弹，100个反坦克武器和两架喷气式战斗机。”
“我认为我们应该给他们米格-29和萨姆地对空导弹的，”费多尔丘克说。“这是一个相当大的代价，但这将证明我们的严肃性。我建议投票表决。”
沉默了很长时间。
“我赞成援助海地政府。”特罗扬诺夫斯基说：“在座的大多数人也是如此。我提议我们投票。赞成的举手。反对这项动议的请起立。”
一阵长时间的沉默。
“同志们都同意援助海地政府，只是援助军火数量上有分歧。我认为应该给予海地社会主义政府更多的反坦克武器与重武器还有萨姆地对空导弹，但不要给予米格-29战机，他们没有时间培养飞机员。”
“赞成的人？”特罗扬诺夫斯基问道。
大家齐声表示赞成和反对。
特罗扬诺夫斯基说：“赞成者占多数。”
总书记罗曼诺夫点点头说：“那么有偿援助海地政府500个榴弹发射器、1000件反坦克武器和500件萨姆地对空导弹以及其他轻武器装备，以市场价的50%出售给海地。另外，让负责海地局势的伊万诺维奇同志评估海地需要的粮食援助与帮助海地建立新的政府行政体系。”
“我会把这些文件交给伊万诺维奇同志审阅。你会负责其余的安排吗？”特罗扬诺夫斯基问道。
“当然，”罗曼诺夫说。“之后的一段时间我要访问华约成员国，在出访的时间由科索拉波夫同志与费多尔丘克同志负责日常工作，另外，特罗扬诺夫斯基同志能准备苏联与中国、越南三国之间的商谈会解决三国之间的领土争端吗？”
“我会尽我所能，”特罗扬诺夫斯基说。
会议休会。
第二天，第二批物资被空运到海地。
一周后，第三批物资被空运到海地。
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Kremlin Building 14
\"Yes, national and ethnic identification was to be eliminated from identity cards and civil registries, and local nationalists were to be arrested and gangsters were to be fought in all the Soviet Union. And the replacement of nuclear reactors and the creation of nuclear power plant containment, with the Leningrad and Chernobyl nuclear power plants being the first to be replaced.\" Tregubova yawned as Romanov stared at the pile of reports on his desk and talked to Serbitsky, the first secretary of the Ukrainian Soviet. \"Comrade Serbitsky, this is about the fate of the 52 million people of the Ukrainian Soviet.\"
\"This is the first we\u0027re hearing about it, but I imagine it involves a massive amount of people and money.\"
\"I know the internal guard forces and border guards will cooperate, and the Galicia region must be focused on cleaning up the Western Ukrainian nationalists.\" Romanov scratched his head; he\u0027d been up late for days. \"The main problem is convincing the republics that the new system will be better. That will be our greatest challenge.\"
Tregubova walked into the room, and said, \"General Secretary Romanov, this is the audit report on the economic budget and development.\"
\"Show me.\" Romanov glanced at the report. \"Anything significant?\"
\"There are a bunch of whistleblowers and letters sent to you from the public, including one from Professor Sakharov, who says he\u0027ll give up publicly blaming the Soviet Union if you let his wife return to Moscow.\"
\"Professor Sakharov?\" Romanov remembered that he hadn\u0027t been a pro-democracy crusader for the U.S. and Pinochet, and the wholesale privatization of the Soviet industrial system, in the original? \"Throw that letter in the trash.\"
\"Yes.\" Tregubova shuffled through a bunch of reports and highlighted one. \"The Ministry of Intelligence has requested additional funding for wiretapping and bugging equipment. We are providing it, even though it is an increase from last year\u0027s budget.\"
\"Good. What else?\"
\"We\u0027ve had some problems with the Ministry of Defense. It has requested an increase in spending for new fighter jets and other war equipment. We\u0027ve countered with new budgetary restrictions.\"
\"Well, what do you think about cutting 2 billion rubles from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Education to transfer to the Ministry of Defense?\" Romanov returned to the report, which audited the economic development of the Soviet Union last year.
\"That\u0027s a lot of money. Do you think it would be better spent on military equipment or reducing prices to farmers?\"
Romanov sighed and said, \"The Soviet Union can lose the support of the peasants, but not of the army.\"
Tregubova nodded.
\"All right. Is there anything else?\"
\"No.\"
\"Very well. We should have a final decision soon.\"
\"Decision? What kind of decision?\"
\"It is a matter for the political branches of the government to discuss, and I will not sit in judgment over them.\"
\"Very well.\" Tregubova walked out of the room. Romanov stared after her, and said, \"I wonder what she has in mind.\"
------
Well, in your speech, you painted a picture of a peaceful coexistence between workers and management that was based on cooperation and mutual benefits. The question before us now is: how do you intend to put that into practice?
The most fundamental characteristics of communist society are expressed in three points. First, there is great material abundance and the means of consumption are distributed according to needs; second, social relations are highly harmonious and people\u0027s spirituality is greatly improved; third, the means of production do not belong to private ownership.
We are far from having a fully-functioning communism in the West. There are still remnants of the private property system that have a tendency to block the progression of these ideals.
The most fundamental characteristics of communist society are expressed in three points. The first is great material abundance and the distribution of the means of consumption according to needs; the second is a high degree of harmony in social relations and a great improvement in people\u0027s spirituality; and the third is that the means of production do not belong to private ownership.
Communism in the West is still far from being fully functional. The remnants of the private property system still have the tendency to hinder the development of these ideals.
How do all communist parties build socialism to achieve a communist society on the road to socialism? Leninism saw the need to be under the leadership of a communist party, hence the establishment of the one-party dictatorship and vanguard of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. However, this required facing a problem. If, for example, the Communist Party was the vanguard of the people...who would supervise the Communist Party?
Lenin, Stalin and Mao failed to really address this question, and eventually, the communist party degenerated and bureaucratized. The vanguard communist party inevitably became the party of all people, and the Politburo eventually became the home of the bureaucratic clique.
There has been a trend in communist theory to de-bureaucratize the party, but that misses the point entirely. Without some mechanism to oversee and direct the party, it will surely degenerate.
The problem is how do you keep the party focused, and accountable to the people?
The world capitalist countries continue to face an expanding communist threat, which does not seek profits at all, and which keeps pumping the labor population from the agricultural sector into the more efficient industrial sector increasing factors to increase productivity. At such times, capitalism begins to learn from socialism, which can only increase money and welfare .... Constructing a better pay market and social environment, through welfare and openness tries to get the proletariat to support capitalism against socialism. Because, there are only individuals who betray the class. There is no class that betrays the individual. The true proletarians and capitalists have no homeland.
That\u0027s why a class of its own is made up of migrants and refugees who are oppressed in both societies. At such times, nationalism is born as a reaction to communism.
A man can be born understanding that he must live and fight for his own country and nation, but he cannot understand why he should fight for the proletariat of other countries. This is why nationalism gradually overcame international communism.
At the same time, the Soviet Union itself was bound to fall behind the U.S. economy under the global trade and technology blockade facing the Soviet Union. With the Soviet Union lagging behind the West in economic growth and technological development across the board, and unable to provide the population with more advanced technological products, living conditions, freedom of speech and economic welfare, was it necessary to rely on a few communist books to keep the general population identifying with communism?
So, in 1985 the average Soviet citizen was paid 200 rubles a month while the American citizen in the same year was paid $1,000 to $1,500; and when Soviet bureaucrats saw that American politicians could openly and legally corrupt themselves, own private jets and operate multiple businesses, would they pursue America or oppose America? Human beings will pursue better living conditions and self-needs for the individual, so eventually the Soviet Union collapsed. Just as the proletarians without adequate education and a good social environment degenerated into a rogue proletariat, so the bureaucrats were transformed into oligarchs with vast wealth.
(The Soviet Communist Party, at least in the USSR with only 50% of the U.S. GNP, was still willing to give its citizens a welfare policy of free distribution. This is much better than the Chinese Communist Party since Deng Xiaoping; after all, it would be hard to find another economy that is the second largest in the world but allows most of its citizens to work at the same level of wages and hours as underdeveloped countries. (Unless, of course, China\u0027s population starts to grow negatively or the struggle is so intense that a revolution is imminent; otherwise, the Leviathan of monopoly capital will never give up its exploitation.) But it is not enough. A society cannot survive if it is divided between the haves and have-nots.
If the Soviet Union wants to continue to exist down only adhere to the planned economy and the implementation of OGAS to solve the problem of false indicators and material shortages, queuing (or like the collapse of the Soviet Union, the elimination of productivity to solve the shortage ... destroy the industrial system production and prices rise thousands of times there is no material shortage! The Soviet Union has to wait until Reagan steps down to ease relations with the United States and lift the trade and technology and food embargo against the Soviet Union before it can hope to introduce the technologies of the third industrial revolution for an industrial revolution.
Historically, some of Gorbachev\u0027s measures were correct from a practical point of view, and Gorbachev\u0027s détente with NATO and withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan were in the national interest and reality. However, he foolishly decentralized power and used liberals and local nationalism to fight against opponents and bureaucrats; he carried out market economy reforms and abandoned the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, suppressed and abandoned the military. The abandonment of power by those who should have held it allowed some crazy ambitious people who should not have held it to do so. The Soviet Union\u0027s own peculiarities and historical problems determine its high degree of alignment with the Soviet Communist Party and the planned economy, and it would be dangerous and wrong to abandon both, especially if the constitution did not abolish the free secession of the constituent states from the Union (Lenin and Stalin disputed the Soviet Constitution\u0027s decree on the free secession of the constituent republics from the Soviet Union, Lenin wanting a confederate Soviet Union with autonomous constituent republics, while Stalin wanted a federal Soviet Union dominated by the Russians; after Lenin\u0027s death, Stalin prevented the problem of disintegration by establishing a centralized political system of one-party dictatorship. This approach determined the risk of disintegration of the Soviet Union in the event of decentralization and loss of leadership of the Soviet Communist Party. (In contrast, other socialist countries do not have this risk because they are nation-states led by a single subject nation)
To conclude, the Soviet Union had a long road to travel, and it is a history lesson that we should not forget.
---
\"What should we do now?\"
The problem with the Soviet model is that it lacks a market mechanism to resolve conflicts and keep production and consumption in sync. This was seen most keenly in the dearth of consumer goods during the first Gorbachev administration, as well as the rise of the Black Market to alleviate this problem, the emergence of private property and the subsequent corruption of bureaucrats and politicians. And now, a dearth of innovative capital goods to keep the system running.
Importing consumer goods like the real Russian Federation to ease consumer goods market demand? That would be a fatal mistake.
The Soviet model is a command economy. It is centralized and top-down. It is a system in which the needs of the society as a whole are met, not the private desires of a few. It is a system in which the state owns the means of production, not individuals. It is a system in which the means of production are controlled by the political institutions of the state, not by greedy, shortsighted capitalists. The only problem is that it can be stolen by equally short-sighted and greedy bureaucrats. After all, there will always be arrogant people who want to monopolize wealth and oppress others even when they have gained enough wealth and status to live. It\u0027s a problem that has plagued societies throughout history.
The solution to this problem is not the privatization of the means of production. The solution is not laissez faire and letting the market decide. The solution is not the rugged individualism of the free market. Private property and free markets are not a panacea. They can also be the source of great social and economic anomalies and suffering. The bureaucratic class must be restricted & eliminated, which is dangerous, but Romanov must do it.
The problem is that the Soviet model has been so thoroughly politicized and corrupted by bureaucrats and politicians that it is difficult to restore and maintain its integrity. This is not a political problem. It is a systemic problem. Unless, of course, there is a massive cleansing campaign to bring down the entire system... and that is not something Gorbachev is likely to undertake.
Thus, there is a great deal of uncertainty and risk in the system that needs to be addressed.
Romanov looked over the following brief financial and economic audit report.
The Soviet Union generated 1,544 billion kWh of electricity in 1985, with a population of 270 million. The per capita capacity was about 5700 kWh.
Soviet car ownership per capita in 1985: 42
Meat / milk and products / fish consumption per capita in the USSR in 1985: 61 kg / 323 kg / 18 kg
Average housing area in the USSR in 1985: about 65 square meters
Soviet GDP: 1,382.5 billion roubles
Gross national income per capita: 4,937 rubles per year
Inflation rate, 1985: 6.3%
Life expectancy at birth: 69
Soviet unemployment was negligible, and Romanov sighed as he picked up the phone and called Tregubova and said, \"It\u0027s me, bring me the report of the State Economic Planning Committee forecasting the U.S. economy.\"
\"The what?\"
\"The report from the State Economic Planning Committee,\" Romanov said,
Tregubova asked for the phone. Romanov said, \"It\u0027s not a good time, please hang up and call me back in a few minutes.\"
The minutes of the meeting were concise, to the point, and to the point:
The U.S. economy is growing fast, but this growth is unstable. This situation can change in the next few years.
\"Damn, the U.S. economy is growing at a high rate.\" Romanov stared at the report and scratched his head as he took a pen and circled the area of cars and housing on the report. He scribbled down some notes.
\"This report is very optimistic about the rate of growth and is based on a number of very questionable assumptions. This leaves me with very little confidence in their projections,\" Romanov said. \"The Soviet Union cannot make the same mistake. We must build a socialist economy, not a mixed economy with socialist tendencies.\"
\"So, what\u0027s the plan?\" Tregubova asked.
\"Removing the excess rent penalty in terms of housing versus giving people the application to exchange their homes, but must insist that they will not be allowed to buy or sell homes. On the car side, I haven\u0027t figured it out yet. Do you have a solution to the car quality and production issue?\"
\"The problem is that we don\u0027t have the necessary raw materials to keep up with the demands of the market. If we produce half the cars, we will still be short. We will need to import more.\" Tregubova said.
\"No, we won\u0027t. We can\u0027t. The entire plan is predicated on the Soviet Union being able to export more than it imports. I\u0027m afraid we won\u0027t be able to maintain our current standard of living if we don\u0027t change the system. We must reduce the amount of labor we use, and increase the output of the machines.\" Romanov said.
\"But - but -\" Tregubova began to speak, but Romanov interrupted her.
\"No buts. It\u0027s not about what\u0027s good for the country right now. It\u0027s about what\u0027s good for the country in the long term. You only need to obey my orders & offer advice?\"
\"Well... okay,\" Tregubova said.
\"Good,\" Romanov said, looking at his watch. \"I\u0027ll talk to you later.\"
\"Shouldn\u0027t you discuss this with the Politburo?\"
\"I would, but I\u0027m also the general secretary & supreme leader. Come here, let me see if your teeth are neat and tidy with your braces off?\" Romanov slapped his thigh.
\"Ha ha.\"
\"Are you finished?\" Tregubova asked.
\"Almost.\" Romanov said. \"You don\u0027t have a bugging device in here, do you? My little girl of information.\"
\"No. Why would we need one?\" Tregubova said.
\"I dunno. It\u0027s just a feeling I got. Have you had a physical in the past six months?\"
\"Yes, I\u0027ve been feeling really well. Why?\"
\"Just checking,\" Romanov said. \"You\u0027re my Avril, and I\u0027m worried about carrying a baby in your belly.\"
\"Do you...\" Tregubova began to ask, but stopped. \"Well yes, I\u0027m worried as well. I think it\u0027s been about a month or two since we\u0027ve had a physical.\"
\"You better get checked out sometime, I still want to ravage you in bed like Pinochet ravaged Chile. If you\u0027re pregnant with my child, this will bother me.\"
\"You\u0027re disgusting,\" Tregubova said, rolling her eyes.
\"It\u0027ll be so worth it,\" Romanov said, grinning. \"You are mine, and I will make you my wife when the time comes. Won\u0027t you kiss my hand?\"
Tregubova said nothing, but she leaned in and pressed her lips to Romanov\u0027s hand, which he grabbed and held still.
\"Good,\" Romanov said. \"Kneel down to me and kiss my shoes and call me Father.\"
\"No,\" Tregubova said.
\"Kneel,\" Romanov said, grabbing her by the arm.
Tregubova stood up from the chair, staring down at Romanov in defiance.
\"This is just a test, and I want you to show your love and obedience to me by doing this. Kneel down to me and kiss my shoes and call me Father.\"
\"I won\u0027t do either,\" Tregubova said. \"I love you, but I won\u0027t worship you.\"
\"You\u0027re making this very difficult,\" Romanov said, his patience growing thin. \"But I get it, so don\u0027t talk about it.\"
\"There\u0027s no way you\u0027ll ever forcing me to do anything against my will,\" Tregubova said, staring down at Romanov. \"You just... you just get out of here. Leave me alone.\"
\"I will afterwards, I need to think seriously about our relationship.\" Romanov picked up the pen with the audit report and asked, \"Now, mind helping me analyze the economic budget? I don\u0027t want to think by myself.\"
\"Fine,\" Tregubova said. \"I can\u0027t believe you\u0027re being so stubborn.\"
\"I know,\" Romanov said, smiling. \"Now, help me analyze this year\u0027s economic budget.\"
\"Fine,\" Tregubova said. \"What is the GNP growth rate for this year?\"
\"The U.S. predicts our economy to grow at 1%, the Statistical Commission publishes it at 4%...guess what it really is?\" Romanov asked, grinning.
\"It\u0027s 2.2%. I rest my case,\" Tregubova said, grinning.
The two of them worked together until nightfall, when they finally finished the report. Romanov signed it, and handed it to his aide.
\"Can I get a copy of that?\" She asked.
\"Sure,\" Romanov said, but added, \"if you ever see me again, that is.\"
\"Of course,\" Tregubova said.
\"That\u0027s all for now, my dear.\" Romanov waved his hand and said, \"You can go home after that, I have other things to take care of.\"
\"Okay,\" Tregubova said.
Tregubova left, walking out of the room. Romanov, however, stayed behind, cleaning his glasses. He took a deep breath, and said, \"This is a test. A big test. I have a feeling that Olga and I will be tested many times in the years to come. Be prepared for anything.\"
\"It\u0027s only logical. We\u0027ll have to see how we react to each other, and how the world reacts to us, and what kind of life we can have.\"
---
Putting down the No. 1 telephone system roster with the Soviet emblem on it, Romanov wiped his hands. After decades of development, the Soviet Union had already formed a self-running bureaucracy, and the No. 1 telephone system roster, a telephone book wrapped in red hard cover, was one of the products, recording more than 600 leaders of the Soviet central and local administrations, ministry leaders, important media personalities and newspaper editors-in-chief, the presidium of the Soviet Academy of Sciences and senior generals. Of course, these people also had their own roster of long-distance automatic telephone users. Only, there were more of them, about 3,000... and one level lower in status and influence.
These levels of bureaucracy kept the Soviet Union running, and the same level of administrative divisions made up a whole set of redundant and inefficient federal administrative structures.
First level of administrative divisions (republics) - second level of administrative divisions (autonomous republics/obstacles/krai) - third level of administrative divisions (autonomous oblasts/autonomous regions) - lower level of administrative divisions (regions/republics/krai/obstacles) - lower level of administrative divisions (cities/municipalities/villages/towns)
If we include the group of the USSR Council of Ministers, which was divided into all-Union departments and all-Union-Republic departments owned by the Union Republics, the administrative departments were really redundant.
One department of the Council of Ministers, the Department of Intelligence, was investigating the possibility of reducing the amount of redundant bureaucracy, proposing to merge several ministries and departments into eight super-efficient agencies.
\"The Soviet Union now has redundant administrative bodies and should merge with the removal of redundant ministries. What do the comrades think?\" Romanov said as he wrote down the annotations, and several people attended the meeting, including Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet Grishin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers Tikhonov, Ideological Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Second Secretary) Kosolapov, Foreign Minister Troyanovsky, First Chairman of the State Security Committee Bobkov, and Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Fedorchuk, in the conference room of Building 14 of the Kremlin.
\"The Soviet Union should aim to become even more efficient,\" Grishin said. \"We need to streamline the entire governmental framework.\"
\"Yes,\" Tikhonov agreed.
\"Then, after that, at the Politburo meeting to discuss the next four years to start merging and streamlining departmental agencies.\" Romanov finished writing the endorsement and added: \"The next step is departmental appointments, who will be the Minister of Finance? Comrade Viktor Vladimirovich Dementsov has been acting for several years.\"
\"Dementsov is a capable man,\" Foreign Minister Troyanovsky said. \"He has a lot of experience.\"
\"I agree,\" Romanov said. \"But he is too old and we don\u0027t doubt his faith and ability, but it\u0027s time for him to be with his family. We need a young man, but the ability of a young man and his faith in communism is questionable.\"
He looked around and asked, \"Any other suggestions?\"
No one spoke, so he continued, \"In other words, our best bet is to appoint a team of capable young people and train them, but with a very loose reins on them. We\u0027ll have to trust that their abilities will be sufficient, but if not, then we can always replace them. What do you think comrades? Anyone? No?\"
Troyanovsky looked around once again and said, \"I think we should trust Dementsov and his team. They know how to run an economy.\"
\"That\u0027s a good point.\"
\"Of course,\" Romanov said. \"Please be aware that this is a very dangerous line of work, and not just for the Ministry\u0027s reputation. The entire Soviet Union depends on a healthy financial system.\"
\"I know,\" Troyanovsky said.
\"Therefore, we will need to be extra careful in the investigations we conduct,\" Romanov said. \"It\u0027s not only the Ministry\u0027s reputation that\u0027s at stake, but the whole of the Soviet Union\u0027s financial stability.\"
\"In the absence of a suitable candidate, how about continuing to let Comrade Demenzov act as Finance Minister for now?\" Grishin suggested.
\"Yes, you\u0027re right,\" Romanov said. \"But the age was too great, and at the 28th Soviet Congress the retirement age for leading cadres was set at 70 or more and retained as an entitlement.\"
\"So if we don\u0027t remove him, he\u0027ll continue to be in charge of the Ministry of Finance for the next 4 to 5 years?\" Troyanovsky asked.
\"Yes, in all probability.\"
\"I guess that could be considered a merit to his appointment,\" Troyanovsky said.
\"Comrade Dementsov?\" Romanov nodded and added: \"The next issue is housing and education. We should abolish the penalty of multiplying the rent for excess area in housing and provide people with applications to exchange their houses, while allowing the construction of centralized residential areas with villas or two-bedroom houses as the main buildings and shortening the building distance. The area should be 100 to 120 square meters and continue to be allocated free of charge by the state.\"
\"I have some reservations about this,\" Troyanovsky said. \"While I agree that this is a backward system, the residential penalties are a huge disincentive for people to expand their homes.\"
\"But egalitarianism is not socialism, and it doesn\u0027t make sense for the Minsk party secretary to live in the same villa with his son\u0027s family and his daughter\u0027s family. We should limit a family to one house, not limit the size of the house.\"
\"Maybe we could also introduce a non-residential penalty for too much space in buildings,\" Troyanovsky suggested. \"The more square meters a building has, the more the owner taxes per year.\"
\"Yes, but we\u0027re losing efficiency, and it\u0027s unfair to the tenant.\"
\"I understand your concerns,\" Troyanovsky said. \"I just don\u0027t think that this is the way to go.\"
\"You\u0027re probably right,\" Romanov said. \"But it\u0027s more important for people to live in free state housing that is satisfactory and spacious.\"
Grisham asked, \"But building distances are reduced, and it defeats our original purpose. The lack of flat and wide open spaces between building distances would hinder military and emergency relief forces in the event of nuclear war.\"
\"We\u0027re a city-state,\" Romanov said, \"not a nation of farmers who need to stockpile large quantities of food and necessities in the countryside.\"
\"Perhaps we could reduce building distances by 50% in some areas,\" Troyanovsky suggested.
\"Yes, that would solve half of our problems,\" Romanov said. \"The next thing is education reform, we should stop giving students less homework load but more homework. They should focus on learning, not rock bands with politics and such. And also reduce education spending by 38.4 billion rubles to 20 billion rubles.\"
Students in primary and secondary schools are not required to pay any additional fees, except for stationery, and university students are exempt from tuition fees and free textbooks; breakfast and lunch are free for all students up to the fifth grade; and students can participate in various extracurricular interest groups with full-time teachers and extracurricular activities on Saturdays (including There is no fee for students to participate in the various extracurricular interest groups and extracurricular activities on Saturdays (including piano, violin, voice, dance, etc.). In the mid-1980s, there were 891 schools of higher education in the USSR, with 5.28 million students and 515,000 teachers.
Kosolapov thought about it and asked, \"So, the spare 18.4 billion ruble budget is deployed to the economic sector with the Academy of Sciences?\"
\"Yes,\" Romanov said. \"As I understand, the science and research communities are in need of a large infusion of funds.\"
He added, \"I imagine that your job as a group is to prioritize and recommend the use of those funds. So, should we give the physics community the extra 18.4 billion?\"
\"That would be a good start.\"
\"And what about the mathematics and computer science community? Or the medical community?\"
\"I\u0027m sure the science community is a very important one,\" Romanov said. \"We need to further increase the budgets of these science departments to accelerate science and technology development.\"
\"A science-friendly government is very important for the future of USSR.\"
\"You\u0027re right,\" Romanov said. \"If there are no questions, we should discuss the international situation and foreign aid.\"
\"Do we still plan to lend money to them?\"
\"They is a net recipient of aid. We should increase our lending to those countries that are net contributors.\"
\"Such as?\"
\"We cannot continue to give free aid to worthless and economically undeveloped countries, and net recipients other than Libya, Syria, Iraq, North Korea, Vietnam, Cuba, Angola, and Ethiopia should reduce reimbursable aid and require these countries to repay their loans with hard currency and mineral resources and businesses.\"
\"Or perhaps these countries should pay some interest on our loans,\" Kosolapov suggested.
\"No, that would be against the principles of the international financial system.\" Thinking of the 2008 financial crisis, Romanov added: \"Could those subprime loans with the risk of non-repayment be sold to the U.S. capital consortium through the Ministry of Foreign Trade\u0027s joint venture with the Leningrad Bank?\"
\"That\u0027s a good idea,\" Troyanovsky said.
\"We could also seek trade partners in the private sector, sell the loans on to them, and gain a profit.\"
\"Interesting.\"
\"This could also help us diversify our economy and reduce our exposure to the volatile financial sector.\"
\"That\u0027s true,\" Troyanovsky said.
Grishin inquired, \"I wonder if the American capital consortium will really buy up these subprime loans we have in underdeveloped countries?\"
\"Yes, the capitalists have no homeland. They will sell these subprime loans to the average American for profit to pass on the debt risk, and the people who will end up bankrupt will never be those on Wall Street. The more people like Ayn Rand and Milton Friedman in the US, the better, the more developed the US financial economy and the more the real economy declines, the better for us.\" Grigory Romanov explained.
\"And, of course, the more economic freedom of the people in the current imperialist countries, the better for everyone.\"
\"That\u0027s a good way of looking at it, yes,\" Troyanovsky said.
\"So be it, and who should fill the vacant position of the newly established Minister of International Relations in charge of the international revolution?\"
Kosolapov raised his hand and said, \"I have a candidate I can undoubtedly trust, except that his political positions are more radical than ours.\"
\"Go.\"
\"My candidate is a man named Alexander Tarasov.\"
\"Oh?\" Romanov asked. \"Why him?\"
\"He was a Trotskyist and was held in a mental hospital for a long time before being released on your instructions last year, General Secretary Grigori.\"
\"Yes, I remember. Continue.\"
\"Alexander has been involved in anti-fascist and anti-racist activism for years. He\u0027s well-versued in the philosophies of anti-fascism and racial equality.\"
\"Very well. You have my support. Does anyone else have any candidates?\"
\"No.\"
\"Then Alexander is my choice,\" Romanov declared.
\"Congratulations,\" Kosolapov said with a clap. \"You\u0027ve made a very wise choice.\"
\"Thank you.\"
The room became silent as they all waited for to finish his cigarette.
\"If not then comrade Tarasov will be examined as the head of the International Relations Department afterwards. Now we are faced with a task. We need to discuss the global situation and the state of our financial system.\" Romanov said, \"Regarding the proposals already made before, collective farms should be gradually transformed into state farms in the following four years.\"
\"Mmm, small-scale industry should be developed,\" Kosolapov said. \"Agriculture should be expanded across the board. The private sector has shown itself unwilling to play its role correctly.\"
\"I propose that we double down on the agricultural revolution we have been planning and executing in a way that goes beyond simply increasing crop yields,\" Troyanovsky said. \"We need to increase food production in a sustainable way that doesn\u0027t rely on sacrificing natural resources.\"
\"That\u0027s quite an ambitious plan,\" Romanov said. \"I propose that we form a new research team to tackle the problems we face in the agricultural sector. I will personally fund this effort.\"
\"I support this proposal,\" Troyanovsky said.
\"If there are no questions, they will be discussed by the ministries and commissions afterwards. For now, Comrade Bobkov and Comrade Fedorchuk stay. The other comrades may leave.\"
The two men stood up.
\"I would like to stay and help, if I may,\" Kosolapov said.
\"Of course you may.\"
The meeting went on to discuss other matters.
First Chairman of the National Security Council Bobkov reported, \"At present, Haiti is under the control of the bishops of liberation theology and seeks our assistance.\" Soviet Minister of Internal Affairs Fedorchuk inquired, \"Should we assist Haiti?\"
\"No. Haiti has no value. It is only a bargaining chip to drain U.S. energy, and we cannot invest too much in financial aid but rather focus on paid, low-cost arms assistance.\"
\"On the other hand, some kind of intervention is necessary to keep the internal order in a country that\u0027s slipping into anarchy,\" Bobkov said. \"We need to at least stabilize the situation.\"
\"No, the U.S. is doing a fine job. We could step in and create a bigger problem,\" Fedorchuk answered.
\"I agree with Comrade Fedorchuk, let us aid some obsolete arms that have been phased out to the Haitian socialist government, and give only $10 million in financial aid.\"
\"A wise decision,\" Bobkov declared. \"I propose that we aid the Haitian government with some obsolete weapons. Agree?\"
All parties concurred.
\"Now, we need to figure out how to get these weapons to Haiti,\" Bobkov said. \"Do we have the means to do that?\"
\"We can do it through the drug lords in Cuba and Latin America, it\u0027s just not enough to keep the governments close to us alive for a little longer if we don\u0027t have enough aid power.\"
\"True, but it\u0027s a good place to start. We can build a relationship with them. Once we have control of a port, we can expand our power. We can also threaten to destroy their narcotics trade, which would put a serious crimp in the U.S. government\u0027s profits.\"
\"Yes, that\u0027s true. Nonetheless, I recommend that we aid these arms to the Haitian government so long as we don\u0027t have a direct military engagement with the United States. We\u0027ll create enough political instability there to seriously threaten the very existence of the U.S. government in the region. We\u0027ll also be able to negotiate much more successfully with the Haitian government once we have demonstrated a strong hand. After all, we\u0027re talking about a government that is completely dependent on foreign aid and the threat of military force.\"
\"I agree,\" Fedorchuk said. \"I propose that we give the Haitian government two MiG-29\u0027s, a dozen M-16\u0027s, 500 grenade launchers, 200 anti-tank weapons, and 200 SAM\u0027s.\"
\"That\u0027s not a substantial enough amount of arms to make a difference,\" Bobkov said. \"I propose that we provide 50 SAM\u0027s, 100 anti-tank weapons, and two jet fighters.\"
\"I think we should give them MiG-29\u0027s and SAM\u0027s,\" Fedorchuk said. \"It\u0027s a sizeable price to pay, but that will demonstrate our seriousness. I suggest a vote.\"
There was a lengthy silence.
\"I\u0027m in favor of aiding the Haitian government,\" Troyanovsky said. \"So, too, are the majority of the others in the room. I propose that we vote. Those in favor raise their hands. Will the opponents of this motion please stand?\"
There was a prolonged silence.
\"The comrades all agree to aid the Haitian government, they just disagree on the amount of arms to be given. I think the Haitian socialist government should be given more anti-tank weapons with heavy weapons and SAM surface-to-air missiles, but not MiG-29s, they don\u0027t have time to train aircraft crews.\"
\"Those in favor?\" Troyanovsky asked.
There was a chorus of aye\u0027s and nays.
\"The ayes have it,\" Troyanovsky said.
General Secretary Romanov nodded and said, \"Then provide the Haitian government with 500 grenade launchers, 1,000 anti-tank weapons and 500 SAM surface-to-air missiles, as well as other light weapons equipment, for sale to Haiti at 50 percent of the market price, for a fee. Also, have Comrade Ivanovich, who is in charge of the situation in Haiti, assess Haiti\u0027s need for food aid with help in setting up a new government administration system in Haiti.\"
\"I\u0027ll take the documents to Comrade Ivanovich for review. Will you see to the rest of the arrangements?\" Troyanovsky asked.
\"Of course,\" Romanov said. \"Some time after that I\u0027m going to visit the Warsaw Pact member states, at the time of the visit Comrade Kosolapov and Comrade Fedorchuk will be in charge of the daily work, in addition, Comrade Troyanovsky can prepare the negotiation meeting between the Soviet Union and China and Vietnam to solve the territorial disputes between the three countries?\"
\"I\u0027ll do what I can,\" Troyanovsky said.
The meeting adjourned.
The next day, the second shipment of supplies was airlifted to Haiti.
A week later, the third shipment of supplies was airlifted to Haiti.
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